The confrontation between the Defense Minister and the Chief of Staff brings us to consider whether the entire "intensive war" in Gaza and "conquest of Gaza and the central camps" are yet another powerful spin from Netanyahu's inexhaustible spin machine, designed to distract from the central issue—completing the ideological revolution of the IDF, transforming it from Israel's defense army to Israel's offensive army whose mission is "Greater Israel," as the Prime Minister expressed mid-week.

It's no coincidence that Katz is halting senior IDF command appointments because he wants to staff them with religious-Zionist officers in the mold of Zini and Winter. This is the main battle, not the conquest of Gaza.

Hence, one should not expect the IDF to enter Hamas's traps in Gaza, especially since Smotrich also announced he won't send his yeshiva graduates to Hamas's killing fields.

So, if we assess that the entire Gaza conquest affair is spin, and we're approaching the war's end, then Netanyahu's concentrated effort is to maximize all achievements in the realm of regime change and elimination of his trial (the "lock"), before soldiers return home, and if there's no "absolute victory," then "the Chief of Staff is to blame."

Regarding this, one must examine all scenarios crystallizing beneath the surface, primarily: who will receive Gaza the day after—Qatar and Turkey, or Egypt and the Abraham Alliance. These aren't complementary scenarios but conflicting ones, where Qatar and Turkey seek to destabilize Egypt's regime from within Gaza, while Egypt seeks to gain influence in Gaza to protect itself from within Gaza.

Based on this, we must understand the significance of Palestinian businessman Samir Huleileh's emergence as a candidate to become Gaza's "governor" the day after.

Samir Haleileh was connected to the Al-Masri family, the Palestinian economic aristocracy, which with the Palestinian Authority's emergence under Arafat's leadership, was uprooted from Nablus and scattered worldwide. Relations between the Al-Masri family and the Muqata'a are tense, and they're not on the same page.

Billionaire Munib Al-Masri, who returned to Nablus for a period to participate in Palestinian economic development, with Samir huleileh at his side, entered severe conflict with Abu Mazen over the cellular phone monopoly, ultimately gave up, and left Nablus.

Later it was reported that Huleileh worked with another Al-Masri senior , Bashar Al-Masri, whose activity is centered in the United States, and who is known as the person who conceived and built the "city of the future" Rawabi, despite stubborn opposition from the Muqata'a, which ultimately sabotaged the project ("Israel is to blame").

Why is the Rawabi context important to our matter? Because Rawabi was openly a Qatari project, and among the reasons the Muqata'a sabotaged Rawabi was the desire not to give Qatar a foothold in the West Bank.

So, if Samir Huleileh represents Bashar Al-Masri, then one should suspect Qatar stands behind him, and through him it will establish itself the day after.

So, if Qatar wants to gain leading status through Huleileh , then so does Turkey. Qatar and Turkey are the leaders of the global Muslim Brotherhood movement, and they not only want to preserve Hamas in Gaza but to turn Gaza into a lever for renewing the Brotherhood's momentum to take over the Arab world. This explains the frequent mentions of Turkey in recent days regarding the day after in Gaza.

Huleileh cannot be Gaza's "governor" without Hamas's consent, and if the context of Bashar Al-Masri's connection to Qatar is correct, this is the direction. Huleileh will be the front—Qatar and Hamas will be in the background.

Against Huleileh's candidacy, discussions have resumed about senior Fatah personnel Mohammad Dahlan's candidacy, also at odds with the Muqata’ to receive the keys to Gaza. He is distinctly an Abraham Alliance man and acceptable to Egypt, and his role would be to block Qatar and Turkey from entering Gaza. Egypt is already training a force of several thousand Palestinians who will enter Gaza, and it stands to reason this is coordinated with Dahlan.

When considering whether to give Turkey a role in Gaza, one must pay attention to Erdogan's militant declarations against Israel and his intention to liberate Al-Aqsa.

Netanyahu, whether inadvertently or not, through his statements of Greater Israel and giving Ben-Gvir free rein to make provocations on the Temple Mount, is "heating up" Turkey’s aspirations.

The problem is that there is no one who is able to pull the lapel of Bibi's garment because of his actions vis-à-vis Turkey.