The question is why Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu suddenly decided to hold a press conference, breaking from his usual practice of releasing clips where he essentially interviews himself. In my view, the reason for the press conference was already given at the outset when he essentially accepted the United States' position on negotiations with Iran—namely, settling for a commitment not to enrich uranium, and that's it. Against the backdrop of this declaration, reports emerged about Israel's preparations to attack Iran, and the United States undoubtedly warned him against such intentions, forcing him to issue this clarification.

A clarification via clip would not have been appropriate for the gravity of the situation, and he decided to hold a press conference rather than give an interview to American media because domestic Israeli issues had accumulated that necessitated a press conference.

After Yair Golan's statements about the killing of children in Gaza, facing aggressive American interviewers was out of the question. In contrast, facing disciplined Israeli journalists, it was possible to turn the tables on who appears to be emerging as the real opposition leader.

The Supreme Court's decision on the illegality of Ronen Bar's dismissal also required an immediate response to prevent the decision's implications from settling in public opinion, but rather to present a competing narrative—that the Supreme Court's decision is illegal. Obviously, such an argument could not be presented to American interviewers, only to Israeli journalists who have already become accustomed to and internalized such upside-down messaging.

Whether he will violate the Supreme Court decision and appoint a Shin Bet chief anyway remains doubtful. It's more likely he'll go in the direction of appointing a permanent acting director like Commissioner Shabtai, if possible.

So, after the option of war with Iran was taken off the table—because here Bibi cannot lie—there's no cause for war in Lebanon, and the developments in Syria don't allow for it, the Gaza war remains, and he won't give that up easily.

This may explain why he conditioned every formula in Doha talks on continuing the war, and at the press conference we understood why—the inquiry committee, or more precisely, the examination committee—he was careful to say "we will examine" and didn't say "we will inquire," and also pointed to the examination's results: military negligence. This apparently also reflects the State Comptroller's examination trend, which encounters resistance from military elements to being investigated.

Hinting at suspicions against him in the "Qatargate" affair, Bibi cast suspicion of treason on "someone" from…  the army? This indicates his level of concern about the Shin Bet investigation, especially against the backdrop of Supreme Court rulings.

So, if Bibi doesn't want to end the war, is the door closed on hostage deals? Not necessarily—Bibi said Israel is prepared for a ceasefire, but without ending the war. So, one could say there will be one phase, with uncertainty about continuation, provided Hamas agrees to this.

But continuing the war also isn't the "intense war" they promised us, but rather a "measured campaign"—meaning they mobilized brigades, threw hostage families into anxiety, for a state of war that doesn't exist except in the media.

And there was another message—ultimately, the IDF will not remain in Gaza. This is apparently Bibi's commitment to the Americans regarding the renewal of humanitarian aid.

Bibi said we will maintain security in Gaza, and didn't say we will rule, meaning Israel will not establish military governance and certainly won't build settlements.

Why is this related to renewing aid? Because if Israel is the ruler in Gaza, that's its responsibility, not that of private companies, unless they work under contracts with Israel, which isn't the case.

Israel cannot endanger members of these companies in a state of intense or non-intense war, therefore a ceasefire timeout is necessary for arranging aid. Israel has a problem with this company—it's not prepared to be the lever for transfer from northern Gaza to the south and demands the establishment of distribution zones throughout the Strip. So, after Bibi essentially ruled out the military governance option, he'll have to deal with aid distribution in northern Gaza as well.

In conclusion—the need to convene a press conference appears on its face to clarify to Trump that he won't sabotage him in talks with Iran, and essentially accepted Witkoff's position.

He won't give up the state of war without waging war because a measured war is not for the purpose of decision-making but is more of a political than military situation, and in any case, the humanitarian aid issue that will also go north will restore tensions within the government.